Fellow Countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. Towards the end of the Civil War , both sides of the nation were angry with each other. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Lincoln balanced that rejection of triumphalism, however, with recognition of the unmistakable evil of slavery. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. Rather, he continues to draw on shared Christian values and thereby emphasize common ground. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. He says we were all awaiting a civil war but were hoping to stop it and save the Union. Lincoln wrote other memorable speeches such as his first inaugural address, and the Gettysburg Address, which are of equally high caliber, however, his second inaugural address is considered a favorite by most critics. He endeavored to address some of these dilemmas, using allusions taken from the. As a side note, the 13th Amendment outlawed slavery.
Abraham Lincoln First Inaugural Address Monday, March 4, 1861 The national upheaval of secession was a grim reality at Abraham Lincoln's inauguration. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. Lincoln's sense that the divine will was unknowable stood in marked contrast to sentiments popular at the time.
Lincoln discussed the workings of divine providence, both in permitting the war and dictating the outcome. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. With the war nearing its completion and the Confederacy in a shambles, Lincoln adopted a humble approach in stating the Administration's view of the war and the future of the American union.
However, insurgent agents hoped to divide the Union. All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. In this speech, Lincoln uses allusion, parallel structure, and diction to unify the North and the South.
For how long does Lincoln think the Civil War will continue? Tripp, The Intimate World of Abraham Lincoln, p. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is somewhat different from the purpose of either party—and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect this. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Abraham Lincoln Second Inaugural Address Saturday, March 4, 1865 Weeks of wet weather preceding Lincoln's second inauguration had caused Pennsylvania Avenue to become a sea of mud and standing water.
Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Choose a question or two from each of the categories below, and have students write a one- or two-paragraph response. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. He uses God and the Bible to show that the people both from the North and also the South have the same values. In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. Once at Gettysburg and now again on a greater occasion he has shown a capacity for rising to the demands of the hour which we should not expect from orators or men of the schools. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Lincoln suggests that the two sides are very similar because they both believe in the same higher power. Source: , edited by Roy P. . Students will address the nation with words that they think are appropriate for a people who have been confronted everyday with news of casualties from the battlefields or unrest on the streets, or worse, who have suffered personal loss themselves. The use of these rhetorical devices allowed Lincoln to achieve the purpose of his speech in binding and healing a broken nation to create the United States of America ,one nation under God S: Style Lincoln's style is to used rhetorical devices to help remember him and to express what he wants to achieve in his second presidential term. Thus, it is far from unexpected for an American politician to draw on Christian values and ideals in a political address.
The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession? We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Students can read and analyze source materials online, or do some of the work online and some in class from printed copies. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. As shown in A Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, masters hold slaves down so they can never improve their lot in life, and slavery as. By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. What has happened to require this speech at this time and place? Fellow-Countrymen: A T this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.